There are two days left to conclude Somalia’s parliamentary election as the February 25 agreed deadline approaches. With 70% of the 275 seats filled, politicians are resorting to dirty tricks to get their allies elected. Interestingly, the looming deadline revealed the ugly truth about the indirect election.
For the past few days, things have been heating up and taking a polarized, even violent turn. This is not the first time Somali leaders have missed deadlines. But this comes as the country is in the grip of a drought which affects an estimated 3 million Somalis. Not to mention the constant security threat from militants hanging over the country.
Somalia has also embarked on a IMF-mandated program of debt relief and the international community patience is running out. Indeed, the country needs a fully functioning and stable administration to counter these scourges and tackle IMF expectations.
The current scramble is happening primarily because of the sanctions threat from the US State Department against spoilers. However, the US, UK, EU and UN are partly responsible for this current electoral mess for their constant meddling. With this threat, it seems acceptable to violate democratic norms, transparency, rights to run, women and minorities rights.
From irregularities to abuses, here is how the election is unfolding.
Blocking Fahad Yasin
After removing Fahad Yasin, the ex-spymaster from his post, Prime Minister Roble attempted this time to block his candidacy. The Federal Election Implementation Team (FEIT), controlled by Roble, issued a request for Fahad’s suspension a week ago. But Hirshabelle’s electoral committee didn’t follow suit as Fahad was perfectly in order to run.
The seat, located in Beledweyne, was previously held by Roble’s close friend, Farah Abdiqadir, who is away for medical treatment. It was an easy win for Fahad Yasin much to the prime minister’s chagrin.
Fahad ran and won his seat on February 20 without any issue. He is hugely popular for modernizing the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) and his fight against terror.
Unfortunately, the celebration was short-lived. FEIT swiftly invalidated Fahad Yasin’s election while acknowledging the results of the other elected MPs in Beledweyne that day. The public was outraged at the level of harassment to which Fahad, who is from a minority clan, is subjected.
FEIT’s position that has been inexplicably reversed two days later by the Electoral Dispute resolution Committee.
Fight within the electoral commission
On the 20, conflicting information about election results were posted, FEIT announced that its website, Twitter, Facebook were all hacked. And from now on, it will only communicate with the public through traditional media.
At that moment, the electoral commission was referring to the electoral victory of Fahad Yasin and its cancellation. Then, its chairman, Muse Gelle, appeared on television visibly disturbed to confirm that his team had cancelled the result.
His predecessor, Mohamed Cirro, who was unilaterally sacked by Roble on December, tweeted that Gelle “was made to read out a script under duress, alone, with the rest of FEIT members locked out”.
These developments on the elections raised eyebrows, so much so every day comes with its share of surprises and twists. The power struggle behind the curtain between friends and enemies of this or that makes FEIT’s work uneven and bumpy.
The Somali public however watched helplessly as some parliamentary seats were “locked” to some candidates. These were allowed to compete with a person of their choice, commonly referred to as a “groomsman” or “bridesmaid”.
FEIT has become dysfunctional when it nullifies an election to cater to the Prime Minister’s whims in violation of established rules. The threat to the lives of FEIT leadership to force them to act against these rules sets a dangerous precedent.
Playing with women quota
In a male chauvinist environment where “major” clans have the lion’s share, thanks to the 4.5 system, Roble didn’t mind grabbing most of the seats from women.
Activists and politicians have worked hard and successfully secured donor assistance to achieve this commitment to a fairer representation.
The international community has publicly conditioned its electoral funding on women being able to have at least 30% presence in parliament.
But Roble is on a frenzy to diminish President Farmajo’s chances of winning for another term. For their part, foreign diplomats have made no secret of their support for the Prime Minister’s efforts. That’s why they look away to let him play his cards right.
One time, Roble gave the seats previously occupied by women to men close to him. Another time, he let men compete with women in a society where clan delegates give preference to men.
The Benadiri seats looting
The international community has not made minorities a priority, so Roble has gone after every one of them. He has blocked candidates close to the president’s party and enlisted his friends and family.
The most deplorable step is his handling of the Benadiri community, an already marginalized minority group of mixed racial background in Mogadishu. This community suffered greatly during the civil war despite living a peaceful way of life.
The Benadiri accused Roble of hijacking their 5 parliamentary seats. For instance, the seat HOP#034 was reserved for his sister-in-law, the current Somalia’s ambassador to Pakistan. Her husband, Abdikarim Guled, an opposition politician, is also contesting in another constituency.
FEIT under the instigation of the PM claimed an unknown complaint from Fahad Yasin’s clan to annul his election while the widely publicized complaint and the anger of the Benadiri community is not enough to stop the theft of their seat in parliament.
Abandoning the Gedo region
Roble also turns a blind eye to violations by Jubaland President Ahmed Madobe who is seeking to prevent any election from taking place in Garbaharey, Gedo region.
Gedo, which is part of Jubaland, is where President Farmajo’s clan is well represented and his ticket for re-election. The region that suffered Madobe’s abuse of power sees the deadline approaching and no election plan is in sight.
President Madobe is allegedly trying to move the election of the 16 Gedo’s seats to his stronghold of Kismayo in breach of past agreements. If he fails, his other option is not to organize the election in Garbaharey claiming that the region is beyond his control.
FEIT spokesman inadvertently disclosed this option a week ago when he spoke to a BBC reporter. According to him, the parliamentary quorum for the presidential election could be reached even if Garbaharey’s 16 seats are not filled.
Clan-based Indirect elections “democracy”
The Somali indirect electoral system, currently funded by the EU, UK, US and the UN, means that each clan elders must select delegates who elect – or select – their clan representatives to the lower house. In turn, these (s)elected MPs elect the president of the federal administration. It is obviously a lengthy process prone to conflict and corruption.
In the 2016 elections, after much debate, Somali leaders agreed to abandon the clan-based indirect model by 2021. But, as early as 2020, dissent over the upcoming election appeared as some regional states were not satisfied.
Puntland and Jubaland refused the additional time requested by the National Independent Electoral Committee to organize the one-person-one-vote in Somalia
Said Deni and Ahmed Madobe supported by the United Nations and the European Union representatives in Somalia, pressed the federal government to give in and return to the indirect electoral model specified in September 17, 2020 agreement.
The current prime minister, in charge of elections, in turn, has been dragging on ever since, mired in scandals of embezzlement, public land grabbing and nepotism.
As the end of his term nears, he no longer bothers with the rules. The public shocked by this kind of election is witnessing a stampede and looting of parliamentary seats. A process sanctified by FEIT now in the Prime minister’s control.
All shots are allowed to win a seat in parliament. Mismanagement, corruption, obstruction, blackmail, looting, attacks and threats on the lives of candidates are commonplace. The public wonders what kind of leadership can emerge from these shamefully practices?