“The armed forces of the Federal Republic of Somalia have the mandate to guarantee the sovereignty and independence of the country and to defend its territorial integrity” – Somali Constitution, Ch.14 (3)
General Mohamed Tahlil Bihi, Commander of the Somali National Army (SNA), triumphantly announced at a press conference yesterday on the outskirts of Qey’ad in the Mudug region that the fighting against Al-Shabab extremists in the area has come to an end.
Following a month of intense fighting backed by aerial bombardments, militants in large parts of Mudug have been killed, captured, or forced to flee. During the final battle, the army seized firearms, communications equipment, various supplies, and multiple Al-Shabab hideouts.
In recent months, Somalis have been captivated by the SNA’s renewed dynamism and its fierce zeal in combating Al-Shabab—an extremist organization that has sown terror across the country for over a decade.
Additionally, the security forces have had to intensify their efforts to effectively tackle the insecurity and lawlessness that have claimed countless Somali lives, destroyed communities and livelihoods, and displaced millions since 1991.
The SNA is also in the process of taking over national security responsibilities from AMISOM—the African Union force funded by Europe and the United States—whose mandate was set to expire on December 31, 2021.
Government takes control of the security
Following his election, President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo prioritized administrative security autonomy, the elimination of clan and religious militias terrorizing the population, and the restoration of full decision-making sovereignty.
Gone are the days when an Ethiopian military junta officer handled Villa Somalia’s security, and when the three previous presidents—Abdullahi Yusuf, Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, and Hassan Sheikh Mahamoud—could not bypass or even dare to confront such external oversight.
The protection of Villa Somalia, the presidential compound, and other federal buildings is now ensured by a special army unit, the Red Berets, and by a professional police service trained and equipped by Turkey.
The activities of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) and its coordination with other national security forces have also improved—to the point of deterring those who have long profited from Somalia’s chaos.
Recent security operations in the southern regions have successfully brought together federal and regional forces that previously had little communication due to a lack of trust. For instance, in the recent Mudug operations coordinated by the army command, we saw the participation of troops under direct SNA command, the Danab commando unit (trained and supervised by Americans), NISA forces, and Galmudug regional paramilitary police.
These growing successes are largely attributable to the current administration’s nationalist platform, the government’s newfound stability, financial discipline that has uprooted corrupt practices within the SNA, the promotion of young officers, and aid from friendly countries—with Turkey ranking first among them.
Fallout from SNA’s military successes
The country has made notable progress across several security-related sectors.
First, in the economic sector—previously paralyzed by Al-Shabab’s extortion and kidnappings—the army has cleared key roads used for transporting goods and local agricultural products.
In Mogadishu, the national capital, despite recent desperate Al-Shabab attacks and violence involving presidential candidates in recent months, residents have been reassured by an increased military and police presence. They have gradually regained their freedom of movement and entrepreneurial spirit.
Furthermore, the expansion of security operations into other urban and rural areas has significantly improved the movement of people in previously dangerous or isolated parts of the country. Now, with the election period in full swing, it is possible to campaign in remote areas. For example, the recent visit of former presidents and the President of Hirshabelle to Adale was made possible by army clean-up operations over the past two years.
The victories of a brave army—though constrained by an arms embargo—have emboldened previously terrorized populations. Communities that were once extorted and forcibly recruited by Al-Shabab are now regaining courage and collaborating with national security services without fear of reprisals.
The SNA achieved these successes not only by force of arms but also through deterrence and persuasion. The numerous defeats and surrenders of Al-Shabab fighters and collaborators have facilitated the disorganization of these violent groups. In the case of fugitive militia leader Abdirashid Janan in the Gedo region, this strategy of deterrence combined with incentives—including a presidential pardon—eased tensions in the region, which is now preparing for peaceful elections.
The rise of the Somali army
The army’s relentless offensives on multiple fronts—in Mudug, Middle Shabelle, Hiran, Lower Shabelle, and Lower Juba—have decimated Al-Shabab insurgents, disorganized their ranks, and shrunk their territory.
Al-Shabab had spread like cancer from Puntland to Jubaland following the invasion of Ethiopian troops under the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) regime in 2006, and it did so under the very nose of AMISOM.
Since May, under the strong military campaign led by the Chief of Staff, the young General Odowa Rageh, the SNA has embarked on an operation to liberate several territories in Middle Shabelle. Despite obvious successes, the single-player campaign reportedly irritated AMISOM, which refused to provide air support.
The president and senior SNA officials hold Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity much closer to heart than any foreign troops—who, many believe, came to the country to advance interests other than just peace in Somalia.
With renewed patriotism and vigor, however, the SNA has relegated AMISOM to a secondary role in maintaining national security—even though these African troops are better paid, better equipped, and wield considerably more firepower. The successful military operations of Somali troops have now demonstrated the futility of a foreign presence that is increasingly resented and to which only the leaders of Puntland and Jubaland would remain attached.
At the current rate, Somalia could well and truly regain control of the entire national territory currently under Al-Shabab terror within the next four months.
In the meantime, young recruits are continuously receiving quality training at the Turksom base in Mogadishu and in Turkey. Their integration into the SNA will inject new blood and improve discipline—an essential requirement within an army that still includes formerly nationalized clan militias, who are sensitive to divisive speeches from a disillusioned opposition.
Looking ahead
The liberation operations—conducted in collaboration with regional security forces, which have inflicted heavy casualties on Al-Shabab—combined with invitations for militants to surrender and redeem themselves, have demonstrated the merit of a Somali-led solution to peacekeeping in the country.
Even with these achievements, the SNA remains an institution still in reconstruction. However, without the lifting of the now-unnecessary arms embargo and the easing of constitutional restrictions on forming military alliances, this promising momentum risks stalling.